Energy Bill Passes
Former Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R.-Tex.) may have been indicted last month, but passage of a new energy bill October 7 shows that his influence continues to be felt in the House.
1) It was d???? ©jà vu when the House leadership kept a five-minute floor vote open for 45 minutes in order to secure passage of the bill, which encourages the construction of oil refineries. DeLay figures prominently in every account of the struggle to turn Republican “nays” into “ayes,” twisting arms and making deals. Late in the vote, the tally was stuck at 210 for to 212 against, but enough arms were twisted to give the “ayes” the upper hand.
2) DeLay’s role in whipping this vote was essential. This may signify that many Republicans are confident about his post-indictment future, but probably it is more a sign that his fund-raising machine—the pride of the House GOP caucus and the source of DeLay’s political might—still commands loyalty. It is worth noting that DeLay raised an astounding $920,000 in the third quarter, and that was just for his own congressional race.
3) The parliamentary tactics on this vote amounted to some of the cleverest work performed on the House floor in years, surpassing even the success the GOP leadership had in passing the Medicare prescription drug benefit. Unlike that vote, this one was designated as a “five-minute” vote rather than a “15-minute vote.” The fine-print version of what that means is that members could use their electronic badges to change their vote without its being recorded in the Congressional Record.
4) House Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer (D.-Md.) identified two of the secret switchers as Wayne Gilchrest (R.-Md.) and Jim Gerlach (R.-Pa.). Also named as switching was Bill Young (R.-Fla.), former Appropriations Committee chairman.
5) Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), who harbors an intense (and mutual) animosity toward DeLay, was livid following the vote, and in perhaps imprudent remarks she kept referring to DeLay as the “indicted leader.”
Spending Reductions
House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R.-Ill.) essentially conceded defeat to the rebellious conservative members of his caucus when he embraced the package of spending cuts they had proposed two weeks earlier.
1) Hastert had furiously scolded Rep. Mike Pence (R-Ind.) and members of his conservative Republican Study Committee (RSC) for suggesting federal contribution to reconstruction of hurricane-devastated areas could be paid for by reductions in unnecessary highway projects.
2) Hastert’s decision was a matter of necessity rather than choice. DeLay’s indictment, the Iraq War, the CIA leak investigation, the Miers nomination and a score of other factors are dragging Republicans downward at the moment. The last thing Hastert needed was another serious split in House Republican ranks.
3) In that climate, it was a bare minimum for Republican leaders to back away from their browbeating of RSC members for proposing Operation Offset, a plan to cut social and highway spending in order to pay for Katrina reconstruction. Hastert’s plan would increase cuts in mandatory spending from $35 billion to $50 billion and press for rescission of some existing spending. His plan also includes the elimination of “duplicative, wasteful and/or unnecessary” programs. It bears a striking similarity to what Pence and his colleagues had proposed two weeks earlier.
4) Hastert will face obstacles in implementing his plan—namely, the powerful Republican chairmen who have lately delighted in profligate spending. Rep. Don Young (Alaska), chairman of the Transportation Committee, actually named a bridge (soon to be built) after himself in this year’s highway bill. He will not likely retreat on highway spending without a fight. But now that the House leadership is on board with the anti-spending caucus, conservatives have at least one less obstacle.
