The book lays out in great detail the scientific and moral case for allowing tens or even hundreds of millions of migrants to come to the West from the Third World in advance of climate change, making their homes utterly uninhabitable due to temperature increases, extreme weather, crop failures, and famine.
It's as bonkers as it sounds, but that doesn't mean it won't happen. The would-be Masters of the Universe, perched in their high-altitude lair at Davos, are already talking about it, and you're going to be hearing more, now that climate change has entered a runaway phase we can't do anything to stop.
As the saying goes, forewarned is forearmed. If you still haven't read the book, get a copy now.
And while you're at it, get another book, too. Unlike Nomad Century, this one was written a little while ago, but it couldn't be more relevant to our current situation and for the next four years of the second Donald Trump presidency.
The book Days of Rage: America's Radical Underground, the FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence by Bryan Burrough was published in 2015. As the title suggests, it tells the story of a "forgotten age of revolutionary violence" in American history.
This wasn't the notorious era of anarchist bombings, stabbings, and shootings that culminated in 1899 with the murder of President McKinley by Leon Czolgosz, although it could be. No, this was the late 1960s through the end of the '70s: an entire decade or more and well within living memory.
We forget this recent history at our peril.
The Days of Rage was a three-day series of student protests in Chicago in 1969, organized by the Weatherman grouping within the Students for a Democratic Society movement. Thousands of demonstrators and nearly 2,000 police participated. Hundreds were arrested, and dozens were injured, some seriously.
These protests gave the book its name, but they were just a tiny, and arguably less radical, part of a much larger wave of protests and violence involving groups like the Weathermen, the Symbionese Liberation Army, the FALN, and the Black Liberation Army, all of which wanted to overthrow the government of the United States and the capitalist system itself. Bombings and other outrages, including bombings at the US Capitol, were taking place at a rate of one a week.
It scarcely seems believable—you probably don't know about it, I only had vague intimations of it until I read the book—and yet it's true. These things happened. They could happen again.
Indeed, I think America is on the cusp of another period of violent radicalism. I don't say this with any pleasure.
Actually, let's call it what it is: domestic terrorism. America is on the cusp of another period of domestic terrorism.
In recent days, the President has said he wants to treat the widespread protests against Tesla and Elon Musk as precisely that, domestic terrorism. These protests have seen Tesla stores attacked and vandalized, and Tesla vehicles were set on fire and damaged. Critics of the President and his partner in government efficiency, Elon Musk, are likely to see this response as an overreaction, a sign of Donald Trump's fragility and how eager he is to please the man who bankrolled his election campaign to the tune of a quarter of a billion dollars. And, yes, of course, Trump wants to please Elon Musk. But this isn't an overreaction.
Just as there was a much broader "underground" in the 1970s, a unity to all the disparate groups attacking the US government, things unite the people carrying out the Tesla protests with other radical groups also taking the law into their own hands.
Besides hatred of Donald Trump, one of those things is a young man called Luigi Mangione. That's the guy who shot and killed the CEO of United Healthcare back in December. He's currently awaiting trial and could face the death penalty if found guilty.
Luigi Mangione has been named by one of the ringleaders of the Tesla protests as the inspiration for what they're doing. You see, Mangione didn't go down the political route to give vent to his grievances against the American healthcare system. He didn't wave a placard or don a pussy hat and march through the streets of Washington, DC, looking and sounding like a flaming retard. Instead, he decided it would be better to go out and go straight to the source of the problem (or so he thought) and eliminate it himself.
Mangione was also named with reverence by Ryan Michael English, a male-to-female transgender who decided to try to kill Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and burn down the Heritage Foundation because it published Project 2025. This attempted assassination got far less press than it deserved—not for want of trying on my part.
Mangione is now treated as a veritable folk hero by the left, even though he wasn't a leftist ideologue himself in any sense. He was just a frustrated coomer who stopped being able to make amateur porn when he suffered a back injury. That's why he killed Brian Thompson: He was angry about being unable to have sex and wanted someone to blame. Never mind that minor detail, though. Mangione is the left's new Robin Hood.
He's appeared on the scene just in time, too, because the left, as a movement of millions, is exhausted—dead, even. Nearly a decade of mobilization to stop Trump has failed miserably. The Orange Man—Orange Hitler—is back in the White House, and he's more popular and more determined than ever to Make America Great Again. It's time for a rethink.
So radical, direct action, perpetrated by individuals like Luigi Mangione or by smaller groups, structured in a cell-like manner, is now the order of the day.
At present, there's little sense that the Trump administration grasps the full scale of the violence that could be unleashed or the direct threat members of the administration, including, of course, the President himself, face.
Recently, the Vice President has been surrounded by angry protesters twice. The first time, on a family skiing holiday in Vermont, was more of an embarrassment than a security threat. Still, the second time, when he was accosted outside a convenience store near his home, he looked to be seriously uncomfortable and potentially in grave danger. In both cases, the protesters were angry about the Trump admin's Ukraine policy. Vance stayed calm and explained to the protesters why he and the President wanted peace between Russia and Ukraine. Still, the simple fact is that no senior politician, let alone the Vice President, should ever be allowed to be put in such a position.
Ukraine, remember, is the reason Ryan Routh, who served as a recruiter there, wanted to kill Trump. He said so in his batsh*t-crazy manifesto, self-published on Amazon.
Trump got whacked in the face with a microphone by a reporter on Friday, too, which also shouldn't have happened. That's close enough to kill. Just ask Kim Jong Un's brother, who was dispatched with a cloth coated in VX nerve agent that wafted past his nose at an airport.
These oversights don't inspire confidence in the Secret Service, whose stock remains at an all-time low after two successive attempts on a presidential candidate's life in two months—one of which was only avoided by millimeters and sheer luck or divine intervention or whatever you want to call it.
It's time to get serious about the leftist threat, and that starts with taking the security of the President, the Vice President, and other members of the government, including Elon Musk, seriously. I don't mean that they should cower in fear or hide behind impenetrable ranks of Secret Service agents and police. I mean, they shouldn't be put in stupid, dangerous positions that would allow some whacko opportunist, or even a planned attack, to get anywhere near them. That requires a recognition that the leftist rules of engagement have changed and will continue to change in ways that make violence much more likely.
Other measures will be necessary, and the book Days of Rage has plenty to say about what those might be. Radical groups must be monitored, infiltrated, and, ultimately, broken up. That was hard work.
A new wave of violence is just beginning, mark my words. It won't be days of rage but weeks, months, and probably years of it.
