Injustice: Exposing the Racial Agenda of the Obama Justice Department by J. Christian Adams paints the full picture behind the case along with fleshing out the legal atmosphere in which unequal treatment is the norm.
Adams, a former attorney for the Voting Rights Section of the Department of Justice, tracks the Black Panther case and the department radicals who made it, and so many more offenses, possible.
“The end result when racial extremists dominate such a powerful division of federal law enforcement is, in a word, lawlessness,” he writes.
Attorney General Eric Holder may be the biggest player here, a man steeped in racial grievances that help explain both his actions and those of the subordinates. For Holder and company, it’s too often “payback time” for past racial sins.
That the modern-day civil rights movement is part of this effort makes it all the sadder, because the movement worked tirelessly for years in search of true equality.
Mississippi’s Noxubee County is the flash point for the extremists’ cause, highlighted by election mischief-maker Ike Brown. The charismatic Brown “unleashed a toxic mix of raw political power and racial anger in an effort to switch the positions of historic oppressor and the historically oppressed,” he writes.
Any one of Brown’s voting shenanigans should have gotten him relieved of his election duties, from tampering with absentee ballots to outright voter intimidation. Yet Brown continued to ply his devious trade for years with the support of the local Democratic system. Even when he was finally hauled before the courts, the local branch of the NAACP held a “pre-victory celebration” on his behalf.
Adams argues that Brown isn’t an isolated lawbreaker. Instead, he represents the “face” of the modern civil rights industry, dedicated to empowering racial interest groups without concern for who gets trampled in the process.
Obama did his part to devalue the Justice Department’s impartiality by hiring a crush of radical lawyers and staffers. Predictably, the same press that excoriated the Bush administration for partisan hires within the division fell silent when Obama amped up the ideological hirings.
And when the press and other outlets try to squeeze crucial information from the department, it treats their Freedom of Information Act submissions in unequal terms.
Requests by right-of-center outlets generally take four to six months for a response, if any is forthcoming. But when a liberal outlet like NPR or a member of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund poses a request, it’s honored in a matter of days, if not the very same day.
This is all before Injustice gets to the 2008 Black Panther Party case, in which two party members at a polling center brandished nightsticks and yelled at nearby whites that they would soon be ruled by a black man.
The new Black Panther Party isn’t the same as the one that came of age in the 1960s. That group often worked with whites, albeit with socialistic goals in mind. The new version is anti-white, anti-Semitic and full of rage.
The Justice Department branch that monitors federal elections, in the form of key employee Craig Donsanto, initially tried to squelch a case made crystal clear courtesy of a widely seen YouTube video.
Thus began what Adams calls “a long campaign of political resistance to the Panther lawsuit that ultimately resulted in the dismissal of most of the case—after we had effectively won it.”
But the Panther case was the rare instance in which racially biased law enforcement got some media traction. Adams details several other cases most news consumers likely never heard about that echoed the folly of the Panther case. Why on Earth is the Justice Department getting involved in matters like “outreach to Muslims,” the right of boys to wear stiletto high heels in public schools and “environmental justice” in the first place?
The Black Panther case may be the highest-profile case of a Justice Department gone mad, but Obama himself seems oddly comfortable hanging in the hate group’s company. On March 4, 2007, he spoke to a church congregation in Selma, Alabama, a town steeped in civil rights history. Not only did Obama spin a few very tall tales to awkwardly insert himself into the civil rights narrative, he basked in the praise of a New Black Panther Party representative, Pastor Estella Shabazz.
If the Republican party manages to take back the White House next year, it cannot stand by while more “Injustices” continue. Adams suggests a variety of possible cures, from disbanding the Civil Rights Division’s policy section to shuttering the Office of Professional Responsibility.
But Adams, perhaps more than anyone else, knows all of this won’t be easy. It can be done, though.
“Although the civil rights industry is loud, and although its accusations receive a lot of attention in the media, the modern movement itself is thinly populated and totally isolated from mainstream America,” he writes.
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