EXCERPTS: Endgame

Blueprint for Victory
Our book is meant to provide a blueprint for victory, an endgame that will eliminate the Web of Terror. We speak not as armchair generals, but as retired generals of the Air Force and the Army who have devoted the bulk of our lives to defending the United States†¦.a young soldier told us that the war on terror cannot be lost on the battlefield; but it can be lost if the will of the American people falters: they must understand why we fight. This book is our attempt to explain not only why we fight, but how we will win. (p. 37)

Getting It Right — Fact Not Spin
We were recognized as the military analysts who got things right more often than anyone else in the popular media. In part that was because of our sources, and in part it was because we based our analysis on fact, not spin, and what we knew of the United States military’s capabilities, not on the hopes or fears or on what other commentators were saying. In this book, our intention is to offer the same kind of analysis — factual, doable, realistic. (p. 38)

A Nightmare Scenario Far More Devastating Than Sept. 11
The initial plan for the September 11, 2001, attacks was to use ten airliners — five on the East Coast, five on the West Coast — as flying bombs†¦.Our nightmare†¦is that the next strike would consist of the simultaneous detonations of multiple nuclear weapons in many major cities in the United States.†¦If the bomb meant for Washington were set off in front of the Library of Congress, it would destroy the Capitol and the Supreme Court, pulverize many government offices, including the Department of Health and Human Services†¦and kill thousands of people vital to the proper functioning of government†¦.A bomb in midtown Manhattan would effectively wipe out important financial, corporate, and cultural institutions†¦destroy the headquarters of many of America’s new media outlets and punch a mammoth hole in the heart of America’s greatest city. (pp. 51-53)

“No Blood for Oil” Protestors†¦Are Astonishingly Stupid or Cynically Disingenuous
We always found — and still find — tiresome the charge that the United States and its allies conducted the campaign in the Iraq “for oil.” If Iraq’s oil was all we wanted, there was a very simple way to get it: lift the embargo on Iraqi oil exports. This is so obvious that we can only imagine that protesters who scream “no blood for oil” are either astonishingly stupid or cynically disingenuous. (p. 163)

Clean Your Own Nests — or We Will Clean Them for You
Some have said that the war on terror could last twenty-five, fifty, a hundred years. We cannot wait that long. We need to defeat the Web of Terror now, not just deter it for some indefinite period, hoping it runs out of gas or that time will somehow heal the perceived wounds that drive those who want us destroyed. State sponsors of terrorism must destroy the monsters they have created — or they themselves will be destroyed. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan must clean their own nests, while Iran, North Korea, Syria, and Libya either must change regimes, or, as Libya has professed to do, cease supporting terror and surrender any ambitions to develop weapons of mass destruction. (p. 58)

The Web of Terror Cannot Be Talked to Death
The endgame is taking down the Web of Terror entirely so that the global terror threat dissolves. We have laid out the broad parameters of an active strategy for this war. Despite the best wishes of some, the Web of Terror cannot be talked to death, no “peace process” will work, no foreign aid will suffice unless the countries involved make a commitment†¦to forgo jihad, forgo terrorism, forgo weapons of mass destruction. Countries that will not do this willingly must be compelled to do it. Terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are not something we have to live with; they are something that the rogue states of the Web of Terror have to live without. (pp. 167-168)

Simultaneously Snipping the Web of Terror
Our grand strategic goal is quite simple: to ensure the security of the United States by thoroughly defeating the Web of Terror. That means drying up the sources of weapons, funding, and manpower for terrorist groups, and denying them territorial sanctuaries. It means stopping nuclear proliferation and dismantling the WMD development programs and weapons stockpiles of rogue states. It means encouraging the spread of democracy in the Muslim world. And it means resolving the Palestinian question in a fair and equitable manner†¦.We simply do not have the time to take a sequential approach: first Afghanistan, then Iraq, perhaps next North Korea, and so on. Every strand in the Web of Terror needs to be snipped — now. (p. 61)

A War of Liberation
We then got to work on the general outlines of the campaign, “a war of liberation,” using a paper napkin to do so†¦.By the time Congress reconvened in September 2002, members of the Department of Defense were asking us for practical details of our plan and inquiring as to how we had come by our estimates of Iraqi morale and other factors. When we asked why the Pentagon — the paid experts who were drawing up the real plans — was asking us, retired generals, for the details of our plan, we were told that†¦the Pentagon had initially envisaged Dessert Storm II. (pp. 110-112)

The Eight States of Terror
The first step in confronting our enemy is to know it, define it, and deal with it. The Web of Terror is made up of eight terror-sponsoring countries. The qualifications to be a Web of Terror nation are that it supports and/or sponsors terrorism and is involved with weapons of mass destruction†¦.The regimes are Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, North Korea, and Libya. The United States has forcibly changed Afghanistan and Iraq already. (p. 38)

Cutting Through the Red Tape
What the war on terror does not need is a formal alliance or organization that risks creating another bureaucracy to support it. At most, what would be useful is a short document — no more than one page — called “The Freedom from Terrorism Charter,” laying out our commitment to destroy the regimes that make up the Web of Terror and foster the creation of free and open societies in their place. Countries that are demonstrably committed to democratic values and to defeating the Web of Terror can sign it as a statement of common principles†¦.Common interests are what make an alliance real, not vast bureaucracies churning out masses of paperwork. (pp. 147-148)

No More Quiet Democracy
America’s diplomats cannot be afraid to speak frank truths to the countries to which they are assigned, to ensure that American aid serves American interests†¦and to make America’s case for freedom to the country at large, using the local media. We cannot have diplomats hiding in bunkers or practicing quiet diplomacy alone. In this war, they must be public figures, taking risks like our service men and women, because like them, they are on the front line of a war. (p. 149)

The Generals on Janet Jackson and Morality
Our popular culture†¦strikes many Muslims as poisonous†¦A case in point was the global broadcast of the Super Bowl on February 1, 2004…the now notorious half-time show was not only degrading in its own right but also an imbecilic message and image to send out to the world. One might wish that so-called “popular artists” and the corporations that support them might put some semblance of thought into the moral impact†¦but they don’t. They are, to be blunt, too narrow-minded and stupid to be bothered with that. We need a much more serious approach, one that appeals morally to Muslim men and women, one that shows them the virtues — not just the well-advertised vices — of Western freedom. (p. 151)

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